Coming as it did at the end of the abortive Buckingham Palace conference between the Ulster and Nationalist leaders, the foreign ill-wishers of Great Britain regarded this catastrophe as the outbreak of the long-promised civil war. Without a doubt Germany was counting on such a development. In her eyes, Great Britain, on the brink of armed conflict within her own islands, was a negligible quantity. Mr. Redmond's speech gave Berlin her answer. In words which at the time raised a hope, unfortunately not to be fulfilled, that the long quarrel between Ireland and Great Britain was at last to be ended, he declared:
- I say that the coasts of Ireland will be defended from foreign invasion by her armed sons, and for this purpose armed Nationalist Catholics in the south will be only too glad to join arms with the armed Protestant Ulstermen in the north. Is it too much to hope that out of this situation there may spring; a result which will be good, not merely for the empire, but good for the future welfare and integrity of the Irish nation? . . . If the dire necessity is forced upon this country, we offer to the government of the day that they may take their troops away, and that if it is allowed to us, in comradeship with our brethren in the north, we will ourselves defend the coasts of our country.
There seemed only one dissentient voice. Mr. Ramsay MacDonald maintained that the country was not in danger; that if it were, all parties and all classes would stand shoulder to shoulder behind the government. Immediately after he bad spoken, the sitting was suspended for two hours. Before the House assembled again news, vital alike to Great Britain's security and her honour, had reached the government. Once more going to the table the foreign secretary read a document: which decided Great Britain's participation in the world war. It was the message from the Belgian legation in London, stating that Belgium had refused to allow German troops a free passage through her territory and was resolved to repel aggression by all possible means. There was no mistaking the sentiments of the House, though two Quaker members urged a final effort for peace. There was no need for any Cabinet decisions. The first lord had on his own authority completed the mobilization of the fleet, feeling that the security of the state overrode all other considerations, and now the military defences were taken in hand. That strange Bank Holiday of August 3 came to an end. Tuesday, August 4, dawned. All through that long summer day the people waited as if holding their breath. The navy was